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The trouble with the Nigerian nation is the inept, machiavellian
elite, not tribe or religion.
Nigerian political elite are
among the worst to be found in any clime, bereft of any
progressive idea, and overly corrupt and hungry. They
are leaders without the requisite knowledge or affective
commitment - to use our trite expression - to moving the
nation forward.
The leaders got here simply by being passionate disciples of
Niccolo Machiavelli and dyed-in-the-wool adherents of
his dangerous political thoughts. They have abandoned
the only good aspect of his recommendations that says
leaders should abhor corruption, to the extent that
seeking an uncorrupt leader in our shores has since
become a wild goose chase. For placing emphasis on power
without morality, Nigerian leaders see politics and
leadership as a legitimate continuation of war in other
forms.
Our leaders erroneously make a distinction between public morality
and private morality: they practice certain rules of
morality - what could be called prudential maxims -
which they observe limitedly in their private activities
as individuals but do not bring to public life; such
maxims as not stealing, keeping promises, not telling
lies. To them, prudential maxims, which serve as guides
to action for the individual in his private activity,
will be disastrous if they observe them in public life.
Squarely put, if a leader cannot assume that conventional moral
standards can easily be reconciled with the attainment
of public objectives, it then means the leader should
disregard such moral maxims that will undermine his hold
on power. Practicing this ardently, the Nigerian leader
invariably learnt how not to be good. Even Machiavelli
who first advocated this iniquitous differential in
morality in private and public life centuries ago, did
not mean the ruler should customarily disregard moral
maxims all the time in public life.
The real implication of this is that prudential maxims should
either be adhered to or disregarded as dictated by the
situation as interpreted by the leader and at his
convenience. This, as seen in Nigeria, makes the State a
mere property or extension of the leader.
This approach to public good and public political health is seen
more clearly in Nigerian leaders’ attitude to government
funds. Even the general public does not see the corrupt
and thieving leader as the thief he is, but will lynch a
petty thief for stealing just N10.
In Nigeria today, public fund is not really seen as anybody’s fund
and those who have access to it are but conquerors of
some wild beasts. The looters of public treasury in
Nigeria now return to tumultuous welcome in their
communities, become knighted by the churches, sitting in
front pews and receiving titles from traditional rulers
that suggest they went and they saw and they conquered –
‘veni, vini, vici.’ But the truth is: they (our
so-called illustrious sons and daughters in public
office) went, and they saw and they plundered!
Since the realm of public morality relates to our interaction with
others and guides our conduct with other human beings
both in public and private lives, accepting and
practicing Machiavelli’s recommendations has often
proved a monumental disaster as exemplified by the EFCC
records. There is this conspiracy of the elite and how
that conspiracy is actually produced by Machiavelli’s
demonizing but lionizing thoughts that sought to exploit
the basest instincts of Nigerians can further be
explained.
Machiavelli was said to be a sort of person who will present a cup
of poison to a ruler and ask him to always give his
friends and enemies to drink from time to time. This
means so many things; for example, it draws a
distinction between physical force on the one hand, and
deceit, lies, brainwashing and propaganda on the other.
It points to his preference of fraud over the use of
physical force, suggesting that Machiavelli believed the
use of fraud is usually more efficacious than the use of
physical force. Nigerian leaders combine both
effectively.
The Nigerian politician uses both fraud and physical force despite
indiscriminate utilization of physical force being
counterproductive. In his book, Discourse, Machiavelli
states that cunning and fraud are preferable to physical
force. Indeed, what can be achieved by force can also be
achieved by cunning. The leader, who understands this,
uses cunning to make it less obvious to citizens that he
has done something wrong. Machiavelli says a clever
leader also employs economy of violence, using physical
force only sparingly and in extraordinary circumstance,
when it becomes the only means of achieving the ends.
But he should eliminate all his enemies immediately he
assumes power. No wonder political godsons soon turn
against their godfathers in Nigeria, visiting so much
violence on their benefactors to achieve elimination.
Although Machiavelli also says that the leader should be able to
use force and fraud as occasion demands, he also should
use generosity and acts of kindness to solidify the
stability of his political system. An act of kindness
and benevolence will have more influence on the minds of
men than violence and ferocity. It provides a more
solid base for the authority of rulership. No wonder the
Nigerian politicians court philanthropy, even when they
inwardly abhor it.
Plato and Aristotle who came long before Machiavelli believed and
campaigned for leaders to change for the better. They
wanted the political educator and leader to fashion
things in order to bring out the best in followers.
Machiavelli campaigned against these noble positions,
insisting that rather than follow the pious
prescriptions by Aristotle and Plato, a leader should
focus on what men desire most, which he gave as power,
glory and material wellbeing. He advises leaders to cash
in on these weaknesses. The actions of Nigerian
politicians have even improved on this deviation from
the good as recommended. Machiavelli believes that since
the demand will always by far outweigh supply, man’s
urge for these things will not naturally allow much
decency in the limited political space.
He therefore came up with the recklessly hypothesis: ‘The end
justifies the means,’ basing it on the fact that the
desire and struggle to get to scarce resources will
always lead to conflict, emphasizing that scarcity
creates conflict in all societies, and desires are
greater than the faculty to acquire. The kernel of this
argument is that to get more, we have to deprive others
of their own, which leads up to cyclical conflict
situation in the social and political arena.
Following this line of thinking in response to tussle for power as
a permanent moral dilemma, one can appreciate why the
Nigerian politician can stop at nothing. Suspected
political killings in Nigeria in the last decade marking
the return to democracy in the country remain
unprecedented. Chief Bola Ige of the ‘Sidon Look’
fame and then serving minister is an all-time example as
his killers are yet to be apprehended, despite concerted
efforts of people like Festus Keyamo and others.
Nigerian politicians, majority of them without a second business
address, have gone to as far as shrines, to acquire and
secure power. The villainous Okija Shrine, which has
been orchestrated as power assurance cover for
politicians in the East, has played up even in election
tribunals and got judgments in its favour as a
legitimate traditional arbitrator. The rising
desperations and cases of ritual murders, believed to be
so because of the trademark organ harvest on victims, is
also mostly traced to the quest for political power.
It is believed that Machiavelli’s main aim was just to show how men
could attain power and material wealth and at the same
time avoid the consequences resulting from the robbery
they carried out to reach where they are. This again is
true to fact about how and why the Nigerian politician
sees getting to power as do-or-die and staying in power
even more so.
Unlike Plato and Aristotle, Machiavelli believed that evil could
never be eradicated from the world, saying it is part of
the human predicament that we cannot divorce evil or
violence from politics. The Platonian and Aristototalian
position is that public action and leadership should aim
at offering prescriptions for eradicating evil from
public life and lifting man into his better self but
Machiavelli wants to reinforce such base instincts that
can only prove that man was born evil.
We should be concerned with how we ought to live and not focus on
how we live. The actions of our leaders should make
suggestions on how to improve Nigerians and not pander
to our basest instincts of aggressive pursuit of power
and wealth at the expense of nation and common good. But
rather than work for change, our leaders are more
concerned with crude methods of how to preserve and
perpetuate themselves in power. Some relish names they
earned in this manner such Evil Genius!
In short, our leaders are not
humane and do not care whether the citizens pick food
from the dustbin or not.
If we agree with Machiavelli that any means that leads to the
achievement of our ends is legitimate, then, it is adieu
to morality and normal society. It will inadvertently
mean a return to Hobbesian state of nature where life is
a condition of a general disposition to war of “every
man against every man.” Strangely, this is where the
Nigerian nation is entrenched and nobody seems to
bother.
In Nigeria, force and fraud flourish and there is perpetual fear
and strife. Industry, trade, agriculture, arts and
education in Nigeria are going into extinction. Like in
Hobbesian famous phrase, the life of an average Nigerian
is now “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short.” The
insecurity in the Nigerian state arises from the
unmitigated drive by each individual for his own selfish
life and end. Consequently, Nigerian people live in
constant fear of violent death. Armed robbers now write
letters to banks to keep enough money and specific
denominations and on their announced days of visit come
without fail.
Undesirable Machiavelli precepts that find comfortable place in
today’s politics stretch damningly quite far despite
being 17th century solutions being applied
to 21st century Nigerian problems as the
leaders do today, politically.
Machiavelli also goes against the popular maxim: in politics there
is no permanent enemy and there is no permanent friend.
In reality, Machiavelli implies, in politics, we have
permanent enemies because the leader must capitalize on
the fact that people are expected to be manipulated.
This is what gave birth to politics being a dirty game.
What makes this really bad is that, to Machiavelli,
politics means the whole life activities – politics in
public life, the family, classroom, and everywhere. So,
as a husband, you have to manipulate your wife and
children.
Corruption is the direct opposite of virtue. It is corruption or
virtue that moulds a state into a particular regime. As
the matter varies in quality so do political systems
vary. Since corruption is lack of interest in public
matters, nothing can explain why the Nigerian nation
remains underdeveloped that such postulation. It is a
fact that our leaders chose the path of corruption
rather than virtue and the end is gross underdevelopment
and life of strife and sorrow that Nigerians are
condemned to.
This is the fundamental datum in explaining the constitutions of
societies and why political systems vary, why some
nations are developed and some are not. In fact, this is
why Nigeria is underdeveloped.
To be specific, Nigeria is not developed because the funds meant
for development have been wiped out by corruption. Even
more loans are being sought abroad to mortgage the
future more. Our nation is undemocratic because the
political elite, without a second address, pursue power
as merchandise and politics as a profession and source
of livelihood and as such cannot afford to let go. This
makes it a long, steeply climb for those seeking change
in Nigeria, such as Transform Nigeria Movement and other
human rights groups and change agents in Nigeria.
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Law Mefor,
Author and Journalist, is Ag. National Coordinator,
Transform Nigeria Movement (TNM); tel.:
234-803-787-2893; e-mail:lawmefor@yahoo.com
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